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If the Lee Jae-myung administration succeeds, the political landscape itself will change

Machine translated

As of August 2026, excluding the US and China,
there are almost no countries that simultaneously pursue a single national strategy consisting of a semiconductor production base + over 10GW of AI data centers + physical AI/robotics + power, water, transportation, and industrial cities like South Korea.
South Korea is a top-tier contender, ranked 3rd to 5th globally in terms of planning,
and once actual construction begins and power and water resources are secured,
the project to become one of the world's top three AI industrial nations will be completed.
This is the greatest national history since Dangun (a massive national-scale construction project and industrial task),
and even on a global scale, only the US, China, and South Korea operate at this magnitude.
The nations that led the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century
achieved prosperity and immense national power.
On the other hand, nations that lagged behind in industrialization
became subjects of economic and military dependency and colonial exploitation.
(At that time, Joseon also became a colony of Japan)
Today, AI is not an optional trend,
but an irreversible flow that is redefining
the world's industrial structure and national competitiveness.
Beyond semiconductors and data centers,
AI is the new industrial revolution of the 21st century,
transforming manufacturing, defense, space, robotics, medical, education, and administration as a whole.
If the Lee Jae-myung administration succeeds, the political landscape itself will change.
If semiconductor, AI, data center, and energy industries,
along with transportation, education, and medical infrastructure,
are actually established in the Honam, Chungcheong, and Gyeongsang regions,
and the grassroots economy recovers,
it could create a new, long-lasting political alliance
that goes beyond a simple rise in approval ratings.
In that process,
all sorts of sabotage, slander, and false agitation
will likely emerge.
Even if the Lee Jae-myung administration produces
clear results in industry, balanced development, and livelihood policies,
the existing reactionary forces will not disappear.
Instead, they are highly likely to move in the following four directions:
They will obstruct at the beginning, tarnish the reputation in the middle,
claim a share of the credit once success is confirmed,
and finally, transform themselves or split apart.
As time passes,
if the mega-project enters the visible range of actual success,
but the People Power Party continues to attack by saying, "It's a fiction, it's a government-controlled economy, it will fail,"
they are more likely to isolate themselves.
Even if the central leadership of the People Power Party opposes it entirely,
politicians in the Chungcheong, Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongnam regions
will have no choice but to demand
project budgets and infrastructure support.
As a result, internal axes of conflict will emerge within the party,
such as a confrontation between central hardliners and regional pragmatists.
Signs of such division are already appearing within the People Power Party itself;
for instance, Representative Joo Ho-young strongly criticized the power and water issues
of the Honam semiconductor project, while Supreme Council member Yang Hyang-ja argued
that the creation of second and third clusters in non-metropolitan areas is necessary and that the state must support power and water infrastructure.
If the mega-project succeeds,
the public will re-evaluate and compare
Lee Jae-myung's Democratic Party and the People Power Party in a new light.

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